NOOK Book. But such evils and such sins pre-suppose the existence of a moral power in their immediate locality sufficient to accomplish the work of renovation. Sir, the Americans may tell of their ability, and I have no doubt they have it, to keep back the invader's hosts, to repulse the strongest force that its enemies may send against this country. Free delivery on qualified orders. The pulpit? Doctor Smythe; it was in the World's Temperance Convention, in the person of Rev. There is much force in this question. Abolition Fanaticism in New York: Speech of a Runaway Slave from Baltimore, at an Abolition: Meeting in New York, Held May 11, 1847: Author: Douglass, Frederick, 1818-1895 : Link: Gutenberg ebook: No stable link: This is an uncurated book entry from our extended bookshelves, readable online now but without a stable link here. The whole of my arguments and the whole of my appeals, while I was abroad, were in favor of any thing else than war. But, sir, there is one thing it cannot resist, come from what quarter it may. That such was not my course, I appeal to my whole career while abroad to determine. I do not doubt but that a large portion of this audience will be disappointed, both by the manner and the matter of what I shall this day set forth. That such was not my course, I appeal to my whole career while abroad to determine. Abolition Fanaticism in New York Speech of a Runaway Slave from Baltimore, at an Abolition Meeting in New York, Held May 11, 1847 (Kindle Edition) Published June 23rd 2016 by HardPress Everyday low … Publication date 1847 Publisher [Baltimore] Collection library_of_congress; americana Digitizing sponsor Sloan Foundation Contributor The Library of Congress The following Report will show to Marylanders, how a runaway slave talks, when he reaches the Abolition regions of the country. And all this was done for no other reason than that they had presumed to walk through the streets with Temperance banners and badges, like human beings. Why attempt to bring one people under the odium of another people? I am most glad to know that Democratic Freedom—not the bastard Democracy which, while loud in its protestations of regard for Liberty and Equality, builds up Slavery, and, in the name of Freedom fights the battles of Despotism—is making great strides in Europe. This shows that however truthful the statements of these gentlemen may be concerning the things of the world to come, they are lamentably reckless in their statements concerning things appertaining to this world. Why attempt to bring one people under the odium of another people? As soon as the audience became silent, Mr. D. with, at first, a slight degree of embarrassment, addressed them as follows: "I am very glad to be here. Abolition Fanaticism in New York summary: Abolition Fanaticism in New York summary is updating. [Cheers.] We have heard its character described. Now, in such a country as this I cannot have patriotism. Abolition Fanaticism in New York. Slavery goes out in the Cambria and comes back in the Cambria. There is always work to be done. It is such a giant crime, so darkening to the soul, so blinding in its moral influence, so well calculated to blast and corrupt all the humane principles of our nature, so well adapted to infuse its own accursed spirit into all around it, that the people among whom it exists have not the moral power to abolish it. The only thing that links me to this land is my family, and the painful consciousness that here there are 3,000,000 of my fellow creatures groaning beneath the iron rod of the worst despotism that could be devised even in Pandemonium,—that here are men and brethren who are identified with me by their complexion, identified with me by their hatred of Slavery, identified with me by their love and aspirations for Liberty, identified with me by the stripes upon their backs, their inhuman wrongs and cruel sufferings. I am anxious to irritate the American people on this question. Yes, nine-and-thirty lashes is the penalty required to be inflicted by the law if any of the Slaves get together in a number exceeding seven, for any purpose, however peaceable or laudable. Speech of a Runaway Slave from Baltimore, at an Abolition Meeting in New York, Held May 11, 1847: Douglass, Frederick: Amazon.sg: Books Audio previews, convenient categories and excellent search functionality make BooksShouldBeFree.com your … I do not doubt but that a large portion of this audience will be disappointed, both by the manner and the matter of what I shall this day set forth. They have not. I love Humanity all over the globe. [Cheers.] I felt, as I said to Dr. Cox, that it was demanded of me by Conscience, to speak out boldly in behalf of those whom I had left behind. This presumptive negro was even present at the London World's Temperance Convention, last year; and in spite of all the efforts of the American Delegates to prevent it, he palmed off his Abolition bombast upon an audience of 7000 persons! I am not thought of or spoken of, except as a piece of property belonging to some Christian Slaveholder, and all the Religious and Political Institutions of this Country alike pronounce me a Slave and a chattel. I cannot agree with my friend Mr. Garrison in relation to my love and attachment to this land. We have aided them, and they aid us, and the mission of the two nations, henceforth, is to serve each other. "How can I, I say, love a country thus cursed, thus bedewed with the blood of my brethren? I do not hate America as against England, or against any other country or land. Subscribe for ad free access Abolition fanaticism in New York. [Hisses and cheers.]. I stated facts and facts only. Abolition Fanaticism in New York. I admit that there are sins in almost every country which can be best removed by means confined exclusively to their immediate locality. The following Report will show to Marylanders, how a runaway slave talks, when he reaches the Abolition regions of the country. But fortunately the audience came to my rescue, and demanded that I should go on, and I did go on, and, I trust, discharged my duty to my brethren in bonds and the cause of Human Liberty, in a manner not altogether unworthy the occasion. Almost the same. I am anxious to see Slavery overthrown here; but, I never appealed to Englishmen in a manner calculated to awaken feelings of hatred or disgust, or to inflame their prejudices toward America as a nation, or in a manner provocative of national jealousy or ill-will; but I always appealed to their conscience—to the higher and nobler feelings of the people of that country, to enlist them in this cause. Sir, I feel it is good to be here. We entreat our British friends to continue to send their remonstrances across the deep against Slavery in this land. A Narrative on the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave, An Appeal To Congress For Impartial Suffrage. Shall we go to Politicians or Political Parties? I desire to see it overthrown as speedily as possible and its Constitution shivered in a thousand fragments, rather than this foul curse should continue to remain as now. You are not so bad as that. 'Have you not irritated, have you not annoyed your American friends and the American people rather than done them good?' There is always work to be done. But why expose the sins of one nation in the eyes of another? There was one Doctor of Divinity there—the ugliest man that I ever saw in my life—who almost tore the skirts of my coat off, so vehement was he in his friendly attempts to induce me to yield the floor. our Sonnet-A-Day Newsletter and read them all, one at a time. *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. This I deny. Dr. Marsh represented it to be. Have they the moral power necessary to accomplish this mighty task? But it is asked, 'What good will this do?' I am not aware of any misrepresentation. There is much force in this question. In all this, my friends, let me make myself understood. The conscience of the American public needs this irritation, and I would blister it all over from centre to circumference, until it gives signs of a purer and a better life than it is now manifesting to the world. You cannot build your forts so strong, nor your ramparts so high, nor arm yourselves so powerfully, as to be able to withstand the overwhelming MORAL SENTIMENT against Slavery now flowing into this land. And, sir, (I think I may say this, without subjecting myself to the charge of egotism) I deem it very fortunate for the friends of the Slave, that Mr. Garrison and myself were there just at that time. The reader will make his own comments. I have no love for America, as such; I have no patriotism. Shall we go to the Church for this influence? But, sir, there was one fact, which I happened, fortunately, to have on hand just at that time, which completely neutralized this very affecting statement of the Doctor's. I was glad to follow him around for the sake of my country, for the country is not, after all, so bad as Rev. This disturbed the composure of some of our American representatives, who, in serious alarm, caught hold of the skirts of my coat, and attempted to make me desist from my exposition of the situation of the colored race in this country. FLAMING ABOLITION SPEECH DELIVERED BY THE RUNAWAY SLAVE, FREDERICK DOUGLASS, At the Anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society, IN THE TABERNACLE, NEW YORK, MAY 11, 1847. Return to the Frederick Douglass Home Page, or . Frederick Douglass' speech entitled, Abolition Fanaticism in New York, Speech of a Runaway Slave from Baltimore, at an Abolition Meeting in New York, Held May 11, 1847. was printed and sold as a pamphlet. Join Buy Abolition Fanaticism in New York. If you have any question about this novel, Please don't hesitate to contact us or translate team. Access thousands of high-quality, free K-12 articles, and create online assignments with them for your students. I say we admit that there are evils which can be best removed by influences confined to their immediate locality. It so happens that Messrs. Gerrit Smith and Arthur Tappan have advertised for the especial benefit of this afflicted class of Slaveholders, that they have set apart the sum of $10,000, to be appropriated in aiding them to remove their emancipated Slaves beyond the jurisdiction of the State, and that the money would be forthcoming on application being made for it; but no such application was ever made.

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